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Given her reputation as one of the most important artists to emerge from the 1960s, one would think that Martha Graham had something to say about the current environment in which she finds herself: For example, that her performances are grounded in self-reflection and understanding, that they are not exercises in theatrics, that they don’t use drugs or excessive force to produce harmony, that they transcend ideological divides and promote social justice.

One might expect that from an icon; but from Martha Graham, so famous for defying stereotypes, nothing.

New York Times critic John Rockwell recently noted that Graham is “one of the giants of American modern dance, and one of the few mainstream artists who have gone far, far beyond dancing.”

He continued, “She has helped to define the relationship between art and society in the past 40 years. Her dances, intended for all the world, are social commentaries often disguised in bodily movements. Her choreography, dance poems and craft have influenced an extraordinary array of artists.”

So far so good. And then he said: “But she is also a religious reactionary,” he wrote, “one of those gurus who are almost always reactionary, generally conservative in their economic and social views and little more than chauvinist in their reverence for the male.”

In other words, of course she thinks about her work as an artist and what it means, but who wants to listen to what she has to say about gender, race, social justice and the like when all she wants to do is keep dancing?

She might have a different take about how things have turned out, but for now it is as though she is one of those petite-sized celebrities who has been around so long that she has lost any motivation to change.

She is the last thing that those who wish to hold onto a traditional view of
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A costly but successful cover-up

A costly but successful cover-up

01 April, 2015

The Italian government is engaged in a massive public relations campaign to demonstrate that the controversial measures it used to facilitate the privatization of state-owned factories in the former industrial heartland of northern Italy in 2011-2012 did not contribute to the creation of a “lost decade” for the economy.

The government claims that Italian economic growth since the beginning of the crisis has been strong. It has pointed to the latest data for the first quarter of 2015, with GDP growing at the same rate as in the preceding three months, and unemployment falling below 10%. These figures are higher than the official figures for the first quarter of 2014, which shows a very slight fall in GDP and a decline in unemployment.

This, of course, is why the Italian government and the employers’ confederation Confindustria have invested so much money to promote the view that economic growth has continued in the absence of the so-called “Dieselgate” investigation of Volkswagen, which began in 2013 and “upset business circles”.

The survey carried out by the Italian magazine L’espresso on the Italian economic situation in recent years has shown that the economic growth has been largely the result of rising government spending on public works projects during the years 2011-2013.

Furthermore, the Italian business lobby is opposed to any form of investigation into what happened with Volkswagen. This is why it is keen to downplay the crisis as much as possible, for it has convinced itself that the consequences of austerity and competition from China have not damaged the Italian economy.

This is the main argument used by the government in defence of the measures introduced between 2011 and 2013. The prime minister, Mario Monti, and his fellow technocrats responsible for austerity responded with alarm to the rise in the number of industrial bankruptcies between 2010 and 2013.